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Post Indoctrination and Catalonian Nationalism
Created by John Eipper on 11/12/17 4:31 AM

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Indoctrination and Catalonian Nationalism (José Ignacio Soler, Venezuela, 11/12/17 4:31 am)

I apologize to WAIS readers for returning to the subject of Catalonia nationalist indoctrination, but I must respond to Jordi Molins's post of 10 November.

I am sorry, Jordi, but I must belong to those less-educated and closed-minded non-independentists, because I do not follow most of your conclusions on the data you provided.

Jordi mentioned abundant statistical data, which I am not able to question, except they it was provided by a institution dependent on the Catalonian government. He also makes some dubious arguments to demonstrate that there is no indoctrination on the independentist side, but rather on the constitutionalist side. (My apologies to Jordi, but it is hard to call the independentists "republicans" when there is not yet any Republic, at most it exists only "symbolically" and, besides, I do not see any negative connotation in the term "independentist" if such an aspiration is legitimate.)

I won't insist on the educational indoctrination anymore, because there is plenty of evidence, as well as complaints and allegations, reported in Cataluña. Entire books have been published on the subject. But just for the sake of argumentation, here is another example:


Now some history. These alleged indoctrination policies were promoted formally by previous Catalonian governments, as part of a strategic plan for independence.  For example, ex-president Jordi Pujol (a well-known corrupt politician on trial) wrote an extensive document in 1989 in favor of eventual independence, published by Juan Antich in El Periódico de Cataluña el 28 October 1990. The document outlined nationalistic strategies, guidelines, policies and specific activities to reinforce Catalonian nationality. To cite some relevant extracts of this document:

"Hay que incidir de manera eficaz en todos los medios de comunicación a través de personas con una mayor influencia social positiva. Al mismo tiempo, se deben promover y potenciar las entidades con una extensioìn cultural y de formación que incluyan este contenido nacionalizador."

In summary it says that it must exert influence on the media, to promote nationalistic content.

"Impulsar el sentimiento nacional catalán de los profesores, padres y estudiantes. Garantizar el perfecto conocimiento de !a geografía, historia y otros hechos socioculturales de Cataluña, además de potenciar el uso de la lengua catalana por parte de profesores, maestros y alumnos."

In summary, it advocates promoting Catalonian nationalist sentiment among teachers, parents, and students, together with language, cultural expressions, Catalonian geography and history.

If these statements are not considered guidelines or seeds for nationalistic indoctrination, both propagandistic and educational, then what are they?

But let us look at possible media indoctrination from another perspective.

In Catalonia, the independentist sector among the population traditionally was not more than 20 to 25% over the course of many years--let's say before, during and after the Franco era until the 1978 Spanish Constitution, and later, if I remember correctly, after 2006 when some of the articles of the Catalonian Statute of Autonomy were declared unconstitutional by the Spanish Supreme Court. Personally, I consider this event a mistake by the Spanish government, because it was used by Catalonian politicians to stir up Nationalistic sentiment. Since then the independentist sector increased to levels of 30%, 35%, 40%, and slightly more than 45%, accordingly to different sources. The peak of the curve was probably reached during the hardest years of the economic crisis in Spain--2008, 2009, 2010 and 2011.

This long preamble is just a background for the following argument. The economic crisis was used by the Catalonian independentists as argument for political aspirations and to increase their support. It appears that the highly educated independentist mind aspires to independence because of rational economic reasons. But let us look at the potential economic consequences of independence, and I mean only in a short period of time:

--More than 2300 banks and businesses, of all sizes, left Catalonia, representing more than 30/40% of the Catalonian GDP.

--1.5% possible impact in the GDP as result of the crisis.

--A strong reduction of foreign investment in the region.

--26% reduction of new business start-ups.

--A reduction in the employment rate in October 2017.

--A strong reduction in the value of real estate properties in the region

--A 20-23% reduction of Catalonian exports.

--A significant flight of capital.

--Catalonian debt bonds classified as junk.

--And some other yet uncertain effects, such as the decreased likelihood of a EU Drug Agency base in Barcelona.

All these impacts are facts, not speculations, and products of the Catalonian crisis. How can then be possible that the highly educated independentist minds did not anticipate them or prevent them from happening?

If what they were looking forward to with independence was a better economic future, their predictions were likely completely wrong. Nor has a single country in the international community recognized the Independence Declaration (which was symbolic of course, according to the President of the Congress), despite assurances to the population that recognition was going to be automatic.

Forgive me, please, but the results seems to illustrate that either their aspirations and promises were not the product of a well-designed plan, either economically or politically. Nor were they the product of highly educated and well-informed minds. Rather, they were the unreasonable expectations of ideological indoctrination, or even worse, simple political manipulation and lies.

Finally, a response to Jordi's comment. He wrote, "after the intervention of [Madrid]...over the Catalan government, the Catalan language has been forbidden in documents written by the Catalan administration, as it happened during the Franco dictatorship."

Jordi, either you are trying to manipulate the article you quoted, or you exaggerate its implications. It is clear from the same article that the purpose of the order is, "el castellà es converteix en la llengua d'informes escrits a l'administració catalana per facilitar la supervisió dels ministeris." In other words if I understand correctly, the order to write the reports in Spanish are specifically to facilitate the supervision in just one ministry, not to proscribe Catalonian overall.  In any case, after the general elections of 21 December, the interventionist policies will no longer be in force.

JE comments:  My Catalan is non-existent, but I see a plural form in the above:  "to supervise the ministries."  Madrid was definitely tone-deaf with its imposition of Castilian, as it easily could have found Catalan-speakers to supervise its government takeover.

I am confident that Jordi Molins will reply.  Jordi, what about the massive flight of businesses?  The number 2300 sounds inflated to me--how do you pack up and leave in just over one month?

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  • "We Lived Better Against Franco"; on Brainwashing (Jordi Molins, -Spain 11/13/17 4:10 PM)
    The risk of objectification of Catalonia, by Spanish nationalists, is increasing, as described some time ago in WAIS.

    I would like to highlight some recent comments in WAIS which have, frankly, surprised me:

    There have been several phrases of the kind "Statement X appears in the Catalan media Y, so it must be false," without giving any other reason for such an opinion, rather than the implicit assumption that "everything which is Catalan is bad." Instead, quotes of Spanish media are considered to be neutral, even for example "El Español" (if I may).

    Another statement that has raised my eyebrows has been "neo-Nazis and Francoists cannot, for obvious reasons, be considered 'constitutionalists.'" Neo-Nazis and Francoists consider themselves, very clearly, Constitutionalists. They have attended all demonstrations whose motto is "to defend the Spanish Constitution." Another completely different issue is if a given person likes that neo-Nazis and Francoists are Constitutionalists, or not. But confusing reality with wishes is a serious mistake, especially in relation to such sensitive issues.

    But the comment that surprised me the most was Eugenio Battaglia's "of course [the educational indoctrination] process did not work with me, but it worked very well with most of my friends." I do not know if Eugenio was ironic and self-deprecating (if that is the case, forget my comment), but it does not look like it. At least thinking about myself, I would be really worried if I had written such a comment. When thinking thoroughly and coldly about it, I believe I could not escape from the feeling that I was the most brainwashed of them all.

    And clearly this is a risk for the Republican movement: as some old left-wingers say ironically, "contra Franco vivíamos mejor" (against Franco we lived better). It is much easier to recognize the mistakes of others, rather than your own. And if the Republican movement succeeds, clearly we will have to confront this reality.

    What I would like to think about myself is that I do not think that I am not brainwashed when others around me are, or that some media sources are wrong just because of their origin, irrespective of the research quality of the given article. Or to negate reality, when reality is against my ideological preconceptions. I hope Catalans do not fall into this trap; otherwise we will not be worthy of our country.

    JE comments:  The brainwashing topic has brought in a number of responses.  Jordi Molins reminds us that it's easier to see the brainwashed speck in your neighbor's eye than the equivalent log in your own.  Another Jordi Tuesday Truth:  living (and complaining) against an unjust system can be more satisfying than the hard work of building a better one.  Should they finally separate from Madrid, Catalonians have their work cut out for them.

    Next up:  José Manuel de Prada also writes from Barcelona.

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    • A Wedding in Gandia; Valencia and Catalonian Secession (Phyllis Gardner, USA 11/15/17 2:49 AM)
      Hello from a long-lost WAIS participant.

      My son just married a woman from Gandia (part of the Valencia region). Her parents speak Catalan and Spanish (not English, for an instigation to me to learn some Spanish), and the family is decidedly against Catalan secession. Having just returned from there, hearing multiple perspectives, mostly anti-secessionist, I was left wondering what the potential Catalan separatist nation envisions for its military, border control, trade agreements, and multitudes of other issues. This is also in light of the fact that the EU seems disposed to not recognize an independent Catalonia. I would be grateful for any perspectives on those issues.

      JE comments: First of all, Phyllis, congratulations to Jay and his new wife! (I hope I've remembered your son's name correctly.) And welcome back to WAIS, Phyllis.  I have missed you.

      In our extensive discussions on Catalonia, we haven't mentioned the Valencian perspective.  Valencians (almost) share a language with Catalonia, but they see their Catalonian cousins as no less different (differently different?) than the rest of Spain.  An independent Catalonia would put Valencians in a difficult situation, as they would become even more of a minority in the rump Spanish nation.

      Is there any talk of joining Catalonia?  I cannot see what Valencia could gain by trading Madrid's hegemony for Barcelona's.

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    • Catalonia Crisis: Thugs, Company Flight, Etc. (Jose Manuel de Prada, -Spain 11/16/17 11:16 AM)
      In reply to Jordi Molins's latest post (November 14th) and some of JE's queries in other recent ones:

      1. I would like to say that the Neo-Nazis and Francoist nostalgics that show up at Constitutionalist demonstrations are, as I have already said, a tiny minority of of individuals keen only on causing havoc and destruction. The fact that they attend the demonstrations do not make them Constitutionalists, whatever they may claim. As I said, they are thugs who only represent themselves.

      Unfortunately, it does not seem that same can be said of the fervent Republicans who showed up at Ciutadans' rally in Llavaneres, harassed Isabel Coixet or wrote threatening graffiti outside the shop of Albert Rivera's shop telling them "Go away, this is not your home." They are, or so it seems, mainstream "Republicans" and I have not read or heard of any rebuke for their actions from the ANC or any other branch of the pro-independence movement. Obviously they are considered useful to the cause, and I wonder when the rest of us non-nationalists will be told to go away because this is not our home. This said, Jordi Molins is right in that one has to be careful of information on these issues gathered from the media. There is lot of intoxication on both sides (some of it, apparently, promoted by the Russians on behalf of the independence movement), so better to exercise caution at all times.

      2. About companies fleeing Catalonia. JE states, "The number 2300 sounds inflated to me--how do you pack up and leave in just over one month?" What the companies are doing at this stage is moving their registered office from Catalonia to elsewhere in Spain due the legal uncertainty caused by the pro-independence unrest. Many of the companies that have fled so far are big shots, such as CaixaBank, which moved to Valencia, or the publishing giant Planeta, which has moved to Madrid. Many others are small companies. At this stage, this is just a warning shot, but the exodus can have serious consequences for Catalonia if things don't improve and these companies actually "pack up and leave."

      I am sure some jobs have already disappeared because of the unrest, and more will be lost if things don't change. Certainly this is happening in the area of tourism, as the drop in the numbers of international visitors is already being felt. Yet in spite of the hard evidence, the pro-independence movement refuses to admit that this is a serious blow to their promise that an independent Catalonia would be instantly rich and prosperous. Some voices are even blaming the Spanish government for forcing the companies to go, while the truth is that it only modified a regulation to make the change of registered office easier. The companies are going of their accord because they don't feel safe in Catalonia. Yet, in amazing twist, a company belonging to Joan Font, a prominent advisor of Artur Mas in matters connected to independence, and funder of the ANC, has moved its registered office to Madrid! Perhaps his true motto is "La pela es la pela" (one doesn't play with money, so to speak):


      3. JE asks, "How did they [private schools] impart Catalonian sentiment when to do so was prohibited and punished?" Well, the episode about the course of "Catalan national sentiment" took place in the very early 1980s, when Spain was again a parliamentary democracy. But the fact is that as early as 1973, when I was 10 years old, a weekly hour of Catalan language was given. Catalan certainly didn't count for the final grade, but I'm sure everything was done legally and reflects the very limited "liberalization" of the late Francoist period.

      Before the restoration of democracy, "Catalonian sentiment" was imparted by teaching us Catalan songs, telling us about illustrious Catalans, etc. Jordi Pujol's recommendation, as quoted in a recent post by J. I. Soler, of "Garantizar el perfecto conocimiento de la geografía, historia y otros hechos socioculturales de Cataluña, además de potenciar el uso de la lengua catalana por parte de profesores, maestros y alumnos" ("to guarantee a perfect knowledge of the geography, history and other socio-cultural facts of Catalonia in addition to promote the use of the Catalan language among professors, teachers and students") was also followed, although certainly with caution. Things, of curse, changed quite noticeably in the late 1970s, specially after 1977. It was then that indoctrination truly began, at least in that school. Certainly my last three of four years there I found really suffocating.

      4. John further asked, can nationalism ever be progressive? I certainly doubt so. What about liberation movements, ask our moderator. Well, one case I know well is that of the ANC in South Africa. The African National Congress was an effective liberation movement, but a lousy political party and now is a total disgrace. I would like also to bring the example of Ireland. Thanks in part to British blunders, most of the country became largely independent in 1922 with the establishment of the Irish Free State. Yet for decades to come Ireland was a poor, underdeveloped country under a nationalist regime that had the full support of an obscurantist Catholic Church. Specially dark were the years of Eamon de Valera's rule. His rabid anti-British stance plunged the country into a long era of depression. I quote here the words of novelist John Lanchester (whose mother was Irish and grew in that period) in his fascinating memoir Family Romance (London: Faber, 2007): "The ascent to power of De Valera's government in 1932 ... saw Catholicism and nationalism locked in an inseparable tight clinch. ... Now [after having contributed to end British rule] the Church was garnering its reward at the centre of a state that was, if not exactly theocratic, then not far from it; the least you could say is that it was distinctly, defiantly unsecular. The air was heavy with piety: a peculiar and deeply Irish national-Catholic piety. The new state religion was religion and the state" (p. 41).

      Only in the last few decades has the Republic of Ireland freed itself from the "tight clinch" of Catholicism and nationalism. And there have been recent revelations of the horrors of Church-sponsored hospices and orphanages. So even for Ireland freedom from British rule was a mixed blessing.

      I am pretty sure that, even without the Catholic element, a nationalist regime in an independent Catalonia would resemble in many ways the De Valera period in Ireland.

      JE comments:  Font's move to Madrid says a lot.  Interestingly and ironically, Madrid might reap the biggest financial gain from Catalonia leaving. 

      What is the latest news on Russian meddling in the crisis?  Boris Volodarsky believes Russia has bigger fish to fry, but any destabilization of the EU is a feather in Putin's cap.

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    • Catalonia's Republican Movement: Integrating and Anti-Racist (Jordi Molins, -Spain 11/16/17 3:13 PM)
      Brainwashing is often tainted by biases. For example, a Catalonian Republican will favor news suggesting that Constitutionalists are wrong, and vice versa, a Constitutionalist will prefer to watch news that confirm his or her own bias.

      As a consequence, it is hard for an external observer, not versed in the particular discussion at hand, to find out "who is right and who is wrong."  In fact, in normal times, nobody is completely right, or completely wrong.

      However, there are circumstances in which evil dominates one of the sides of the conflict. It is important to have robust indicators that preemptively may announce such a course of events.

      Casual observation of historical events suggest to me that evilness appears as a consequence of objectification: when a human group considers the rivals to be an object, inert and with no autonomy, which can be owned and used as a tool for any purposes. Objectification usually results in the dominating group making public claims which are, even for external observers, directly wrong or, at least, highly suspicious. Instead, in normal circumstances in which objectification does not apply, members of both sides of the conflict will always be rational and reasonable enough to make claims which are not obviously wrong, or suspicious, to external observers. From an empirical point of view, the existence of such odd claims is the "traffic light indicator" needed to preemptively identify the initial phases of an objectification process.

      I want to highlight a paragraph of a recent post by WAISer José Manuel de Prada:

      "Regarding indoctrination, it certainly exists, and in some private schools it was common already in the 1970s. I can vouch for this because I attended such a school from the late 1960s to the early 1980s. The school in question was well known for its Catalanist orientation, and at that time my parents considered that placing us there was the progressive thing to do. It was a sad mistake, realized too late. Nationalism is never progressive! Fortunately, my siblings and myself resisted the indoctrination, but that was not the case of many thousands of people who attended this and other similar schools and are now among the elites who support 'the process.'"

      Let me emphasize that Franco died on November 1975, and the Spanish Constitution was enacted on December 29, 1978. As a consequence, José Manuel de Prada considers that he would have been less indoctrinated by attending schools subjugated to the extreme Spanish nationalism of the Franco dictatorship. In my opinion, this claim is highly distressing, even for foreigners with no or little knowledge about the Catalan situation.

      I would like to point out that Republicans have consistently been behind the "Refugees welcome!" demonstrations in Catalonia in recent months and years. Constitutionalists were much less numerous in those demonstrations. In fact, the leader of the Popular Party in Catalonia, Xavier Garcia Albiol, became famous with his political campaign to "clean" his city, Badalona, from Romanian gypsies. Neo-Nazis and other similar extremist groups, all of them Spanish nationalists, have been the responsible of the recent surge in racist attacks against Catalan citizens with non-European physical appearance.

      Finally, let me point out that an overwhelming majority of my family is of Murcian (non-Catalan) origin.  I can personally confirm the Republican movement is deeply integrating and anti-racist.

      JE comments:  José Manuel de Prada never said that Francoist indoctrination didn't exist pre-1975, only that pro-Catalonian indoctrination was common afterwards.  The distinction is important.

      Jordi, have the Catalonian Republicans outlined a refugee and immigration policy?  How will they balance an "open door" with the desire to preserve the language and culture of a small nation?  Are they looking, say, to Denmark for a model?  

      Building a nation is hard work.  Political independence is the easy part.

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      • Is Washington Feeding Catalonian Republicanism? (Eugenio Battaglia, Italy 11/18/17 5:15 AM)
        I have been very interested in the WAIS discussion between the Republicans and the Constitutionalists (even if calling the Falangists neo-Nazis is an error). However, so far nobody has explored what the Empire is doing.

        The following argument was recently made by Dario Fabbri of Limes (Rivista Italiana di Geopolitica):

        Spain is a good colony of the Empire with many important military bases. However, Spain is also an obedient lackey of Frau Merkel. The problem is that Germany, even if covered with US military bases (70+), is seen with suspicion because of its increasing hegemony over the European Union. Therefore for the first time Washington thought to side with Barcelona.

        By the way, the idea of Catalonian independence in modern times emerged after the imperialist war of the US against Spain, by which Barcelona lost all its important trade with the Caribbean and the Philippines.  The Catalans started blaming this misfortune on Madrid.

        The regional government of Catalonia spent $1.5 million on lobbying in the US, met with Bob Corker and found a good ally in Dana Rohrabacker.

        An independent Catalonia would reduce German influence in the building of Kerneuropa, the part of Europe completely under German influence, including northern Italy [sic].

        One 26 September, Rajoy went to Washington and convinced Trump to side with Madrid.  This was also pushed by the Pentagon. The same Italian government was later immediately ordered to side with Madrid too. Anyway the status quo with no independence for Catalonia is in the interest of Italy.

        Anyway, it is in the interest of a strong Empire to give force to the little regions looking for independence but covered by the Imperial umbrella.  On the contrary, a weak Empire would need big strong countries as allies. Anyway the present Emperor may easily change this idea.

        The order (immediately followed) to side with Madrid is proof of the colonial status of Italy.  This has been shown by the visit to Washington by Di Maio, the leader of the populist party "5 Stars."  This party in next spring's elections may be the winner.  Therefore it is imperative to get the blessings of the Empire and assure it of its loyalty.

        JE comments:  I am confused:  if Washington is fanning the flames of Catalonian independence in a "divide and conquer" strategy, why would it also coerce Italy to side with Madrid?  Italy faces the risk of regional separatisms, too, so an intact Spain is more in Rome's interests than Washington's.

        Does Fabbri give any evidence for US fear of German hegemony?

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  • Catalonian Nationalism and Xenophobia (Jose Manuel de Prada, -Spain 11/14/17 4:16 AM)
    In addition to what José Ignacio Soler says in his post of November 12, I would like to add that Jordi Molins's interpretation of the statistics is an elaborate variation of the old cliche that casts all immigrants to Catalonia as ignorant and illiterate.

    I hasten to say that this racist way of demeaning people from outside Catalonia was not prevalent among most Catalans, but up to the early 1990s it could still be heard in certain circles. When immigration from other parts of Spain was replaced by people coming from North Africa, Pakistan and South America, these, rather, Andalusians, became the target of xenophobic comments.

    Immigrants have greatly contributed to make Catalonia the rich region it is now (or was, before, as José Ignacio Soler points out, companies began to flee in droves, scared off by the current situation), but there has always been a latent hostility towards them among the nationalist movement.

    Statistics, to the extent that they are reliable, show what is already known: support for independence is stronger among the better-off sectors of Catalan society, having always been the cherished project of a large sector of the Catalan bourgeoisie.

    As a recent editorial in El País points out, "el hecho de que el independentismo predomine en los estratos más pudientes, con más estudios y con más ascendientes catalanes configura el secesionismo como un proyecto esencialmente excluyente, en absoluto igualador" (in summary, the pro-independence feeling prevails among the wealthier classes, better educated and with more Catalan ancestors, and in no way egalitarian) defines the nationalist project as essentially exclusionary.


    Regarding indoctrination, it certainly exists, and in some private schools it was common already in the 1970s. I can vouch for this because I attended such a school from the late 1960s to the early 1980s. The school in question was well known for its Catalanist orientation, and at that time my parents considered that placing us there was the progressive thing to do. It was a sad mistake, realized too late. Nationalism is never progressive! Fortunately, my siblings and myself resisted the indoctrination, but that was not the case of many thousands of people who attended this and other similar schools and are now among the elites who support "the process."

    I remember that in 1980-81, my last year at that school, a mossen (priest) who had previously been teaching religion was assigned the task of imparting a course on Catalan history. The textbook he had written himself, and was mimeographed. It was not precisely a model of objective historiography. When I got home and my father saw that the volume was titled Introducciò a l'esperit nacional català, he was really upset. He went next day to see the principal and told him that in the 1940s in Salamanca he also had to use a book with that title!

    A word or two about the true nature of Catalan nationalism. In spite of the claims of its leaders, it is exclusionary, although it is open to embrace people from outside, provided they fulfill certain conditions. The shibboleth is the Catalan language. People from elsewhere that aspire to become Catalans must make an effort to learn and use it. Then, of course, one has to embrace also the nationalist Weltanschauung.

    Polls recently published suggest that in the coming elections of December 21, a lot of non-nationalist vote will emerge, cast by people who until now tended to stay home during the local elections. I wonder what will the reaction of the the nationalist movement if they actually lose the vote and a non-nationalist becomes President. Will they cry foul? Or will they turn to the absurd idea that Franco sent all those immigrants to Catalonia precisely to "de-nationalize" the country?

    As for the use of the plural in the document quoted by Jordi Soler, I think it refers to the supervision by the central government ministries. The Catalan ones are called Conselleries.

    JE comments:  Both sides of the Catalonia crisis attach the xenophobia label to the opposite side.  What about José Manuel de Prada's statement that nationalism is never progressive?  This is hard to refute if you're talking about France, Germany, UK, Russia or the US (or Japan, China...), but what about emerging nationalisms in the guise of 'liberation movements"?  Please discuss.

    I am curious about José Manuel's school experiences in the waning Franco years.  How did they impart Catalonian sentiment when to do so was prohibited and punished?

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  • Company Flight from Catalonia (José Ignacio Soler, Venezuela 11/18/17 4:55 AM)
    Commenting my post of 12 November, John E asked a very good question: "What about the massive flight of businesses [from Catalonia]? The number 2300 sounds inflated to me--how do you pack up and leave in just over one month?"

    Let me further explain some concepts. In fact John is right about the infeasibility of "moving" or physically packing up a business in a short period of time, particularly when there are infrastructures, machines, stocks of goods, and industrial facilities.

    In Spain, as most probably in any other modern industrial country, there is a legal status required to function as a business: first is the headquarters (sede social) which is the legal place where the company is based; second the Tax Base (sede tributaria o fiscal) where the business pays taxes; third is the physical place where the industrial facilites are, or where production takes places in the case of a business of industrial goods.

    The first is where the company is subjected to the local jurisdiction, and is normally the first step taken to move a business; the second step is obviously to transfer the place where taxes are paid; and the third and final step, is to pack up and to leave the place where the production takes place.

    They all have different implications. The first has purely administrative, managerial and legal impact, where the directors and managers should meet in order to manage the company, and where the company subjects itself to the local legal jurisdiction for its business. Currently, the number of companies changing their headquarters from Catalonia to other regions of Spain number more than 2500. The second more complex legal status, which takes longer, has an obvious impact of fewer taxes paid to the original base; currently more than 1000 Catalonian businesses have changed their tax status. The third has a more direct impact on employment, GDP, productivity, and so on, but also is more costly, painful, complex, difficult, and time-consuming to implement.

    I hope this explanation would clarify the current situation described in my post.

    I would also want to refer to John´s other comment: "[Madrid] easily could have found Catalan-speakers to supervise its government takeover." Yes that would have been easier, but not all Spanish public servants speak Catalan, however remember that 99% of Catalonians, including public servants, speak Spanish.  What would be the sense of finding a Catalan-Spanish speaker to translate reports, instructions, etc? It is easier to use a common language.

    JE comments: Easier in "practical" terms, but the message sent to Catalonia is tone deaf.  Shouldn't Madrid be especially sensitive to accusations of Francoist tactics repeating themselves?  And I say this as one for whom the Castilian language puts food on the table.

    With so many HQs relocating to Madrid and presumably Valencia, these cities must be experiencing a significant economic boost.  Are any of the Constitutionalists realizing that hey, we may lose Catalonia, but we're getting richer?

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